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In Defense of the Liberal Economic Order

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Much of America’s political decay can be attributed to the majority of the population taking the basics of our current world order for granted.

In the aftermath of the cataclysmic Second World War, a new world order was ushered in, largely shaped by the principles and practices of the United States. This was not merely a geopolitical reshaping but a profound economic and ideological restructuring that has since governed international relations and economic policies. The liberal economic order, characterized by free trade, open markets, democracy, and the rule of law, has been central to this transformation. It is important to acknowledge and defend the numerous, though often subtle, benefits this order has conferred on global stability and prosperity.

The reconstruction of Europe, largely through the Marshall Plan, is a testament to the effectiveness and benevolence of the liberal economic order. By funneling aid into war-ravaged Europe, the United States did not merely aim to rebuild a continent but to reshape it in the image of democratic governance and market-oriented economies. This was a strategic move to prevent the spread of Soviet communism and to create a stable, economically interlinked world that would foster peace and deter future conflicts. The success of this endeavor is evident in the rapid recovery of European nations and their subsequent economic growth, which have been pivotal in maintaining global stability.

Critics often overlook the myriad small and intangible ways in which the liberal economic order benefits our daily lives. The principles of free trade and global cooperation have facilitated an unprecedented level of innovation and technological advancement. The freedom to trade across borders has allowed countries to specialize in industries where they hold a comparative advantage, thus optimizing global resource allocation and reducing costs of goods and services. This, in turn, has led to an increase in living standards worldwide. Moreover, the proliferation of democratic norms has fostered greater political stability and reduced the likelihood of authoritarian exploitation and conflict.

It is easy to take for granted the relative peace and order of the current world, especially when one considers the broad sweep of history. For much of human existence, societies have been mired in cycles of conflict, tyranny, and economic insularity. The periods of peace were often punctuated by wars of conquest or ideological dominance. The liberal economic order, however, has created a framework for peaceful coexistence and cooperative competition. Countries are now more likely to engage in economic negotiations rather than military confrontations, and disputes are frequently resolved through international institutions like the World Trade Organization.

The liberal economic order also promotes a rule-based system that upholds contracts and property rights, essential for economic activities and investment. This predictability encourages entrepreneurship and attracts foreign investments, driving economic growth and technological innovation. Moreover, the transparency required in democratic systems fosters a level of trust among nations, which is crucial for international cooperation.

Despite these achievements, the liberal economic order faces significant challenges and criticisms. It is blamed for inequalities both within and between nations, cultural homogenization, and the undermining of sovereign economic policies by multinational corporations and international institutions. While these criticisms hold merit, they do not necessitate the abandonment of the liberal economic order but rather its thoughtful reform. Addressing these issues requires a careful balance between global cooperation and the respect for local traditions and autonomy.

To discard the liberal economic framework would be a grave mistake, for its alternatives—protectionism, isolationism, autarky—have historically led to economic inefficiencies and increased conflict. The challenge, therefore, is not to reject the liberal order but to enhance its inclusivity and adaptability, ensuring that it serves the broader goals of global welfare and justice.

The liberal economic order, while fostering global stability and prosperity, faces significant threats from various quarters, particularly from ideologues and populists who challenge its foundational principles. These figures often capitalize on economic discontent and cultural fears to promote a more isolationist and protectionist agenda. A prominent example of this trend is Donald Trump, whose presidency highlighted a stark departure from several core aspects of the liberal economic order.

During his tenure, Donald Trump advocated for, and implemented, a series of policies that directly contravened the ethos of free trade and international cooperation. His approach was marked by a skepticism towards multilateral trade agreements and a preference for bilateral dealings that he believed would better serve American interests. The withdrawal from the Trans-Pacific Partnership (TPP) and the renegotiation of the North American Free Trade Agreement (NAFTA) into the United States-Mexico-Canada Agreement (USMCA) were indicative of this stance. Trump’s imposition of tariffs on steel and aluminum imports, even from long-standing allies, further strained international relations and disrupted global supply chains.

Trump’s rhetoric and policies reflect a broader populist critique of globalization that blames it for job losses and wage stagnation in industrial sectors. This perspective resonates with a significant portion of the electorate, particularly in regions that have suffered from deindustrialization. By promising to return manufacturing jobs and reduce foreign competition, Trump tapped into a deep vein of economic nationalism and discontent with the status quo. However, such measures often overlook the broader benefits of open markets and risk precipitating trade wars that ultimately harm all parties involved.

Moreover, the disdain for international alliances and institutions under Trump’s administration undermined the diplomatic and cooperative mechanisms that are crucial for maintaining the liberal economic order. His skepticism towards NATO and the United Nations, for instance, signaled a shift towards unilateralism and a disregard for the collective security and economic frameworks that have helped to sustain global order post-World War II.

The rise of populism under leaders like Donald Trump poses a fundamental challenge to the liberal economic order by promoting a simplistic narrative that national problems can be solved through insular policies and by disengaging from global systems. Such ideologies not only threaten economic stability but also erode the democratic values of openness and cooperation that are essential for managing global issues like climate change, pandemics, and international security threats. Addressing these challenges requires reaffirming the principles of the liberal economic order while also ensuring that its benefits are more equitably distributed to mitigate the economic disparities that fuel populist discontent.

Defending the liberal economic order is not an endorsement of its imperfections but a recognition of its fundamental contributions to establishing a stable, prosperous, and relatively peaceful international system. It has enabled the flourishing of democratic institutions, the reduction of poverty, and the advancement of human rights. While it is imperative to critique and improve the structures that govern us, we must also appreciate and sustain the framework that has, more often than not, guided humanity towards progress and cooperation rather than conflict and division. This defense of the liberal economic order, therefore, is not merely an intellectual exercise but a pragmatic acknowledgment of its significant, though sometimes understated, successes.

The Unmaking of the Unmaskers– UNMASKED!

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These are unserious people with very serious jobs.

I’m sure there are more than enough readily-available quips about the eye-rolling “unmasking” “scandal” during the time of COVID. In another era or another mood, I would be the first to indulge in these (and hell, who knows, I still might). Maybe it’s the Attorney General’s disgusting authoritarian leanings, or that this is yet another ‘norm’ that President Trump has chosen to shatter like the bull in the china shop he is, but as of this writing I can’t see through the haze of anger to get to wordplay.

For the uninitiated (which is who the President and his goons are relying on to carry their water with this faux scandal), below is a brief primer, going over the main details:

First, a quick explainer on how the intelligence community (IC) works that is important context for this. Intelligence analysis is often compared to a jigsaw puzzle. Snippets of information, of various degrees of credibility, are collected by the US IC by the terabyte every day– probably every hour, actually. This comes through a variety of ways– human intelligence (HUMINT) via the CIA, signals intelligence (SIGINT) via NSA, open-source (OSINT), geospatial (GEOINT), and several other “INTs”. The IC realizes that they each have their specialty, but, critically, they often cannot put together a concrete report without piecing together multiple pieces from multiple intelligence disciplines and agencies. You will often hear of the “17 members of the intelligence community”, because they typically collaborate to share information that either confirms, denies, or clarifies what the other one has. This is done in a systematic way, and analysts are taught to value objectivity, parsimony, and thoroughness. They are also taught to present their findings in nuanced ways, such as by assigning rough percentages to the likelihood of an event happening, or by presenting minority opinions that could also explain the raw intelligence they’ve collected. These are good practices, that should be encouraged, though they often don’t provide the clients of those intelligence services (policymakers) with the crystal-clear answers they seek. There have been enough high-profile failures of intelligence that were often traced back to an overreliance on a “likely” explanation that ended up being untrue. Just like the 2016 election, though, “unlikely” things still happen occasionally. If there’s a critical sin among the IC, it is in not defending their work regularly or thoroughly enough, which can be forgiven, given the nature of their work. Anyway– it’s a jigsaw puzzle. You intercept a coded phone call from an unknown guy to a Deputy Chief of Mission that hints at the possibility of Event A, and you store it away. Then you read a news report out of that country that could– but doesn’t necessarily– add to the credence of Event A. But could also explain Events B, C, or L– or mean absolutely nothing. Two months later, a human source in that nation’s embassy mentions an internal reorganization of the staff that would allow Event A to happen more easily, something you wouldn’t have considered if you had never heard that first phone call. Is Event A actually happening? Perhaps, and perhaps not. These are the discussions and analysis that the IC conducts every day, and you can see why it requires constant input and re-evaluations to refine any given intelligence assessment. I, for one, hate making decisions with imperfect information, but that is essentially the nature of intelligence. They learn to live in the ambiguities, as most adults do, and they present their findings as such.

So, you can see why those at the Office of the Director of National Intelligence (ODNI)– whose charge is to coordinate among those various agencies with their myriad collection disciplines– would want to know the actual sources. Due to the obviously highly classified nature of the IC’s work, they don’t just casually email stuff around to each other– there is the “need to know” criteria. The DNI exists to be that coordinating mechanism, someone to connect the dots (though the agencies themselves are also empowered to do that). In the case of the “unmasking”, civil liberties also play a role. We have different laws about spying on Americans than we do foreigners, as we should, and in a highly connected world, those can be tough to follow. As such, we have a practice of referring to Americans who happened to get referenced in intelligence assessments on foreign actors (as all intelligence assessments are) with coded phrases a la “Jane Doe”, to protect their identities.

With that context in mind, consider what the IC was faced with in late 2016. Carter Page had been on the FBI’s radar for years before Donald Trump declared his intentions on running for President, due to Page’s shady Russia dealings, and then ends up on the candidate’s staff. Then campaign staffer George Papadopolous drunkenly tells an Australian diplomat that Russia has ill-gotten emails from Hillary Clinton. Meanwhile, back-channels are indicating the possibility of coordination between WikiLeaks, Russia, and the Trump campaign, possibly via Roger Stone. Trump himself doesn’t help his case by publicly calling on Russia– joke or not– to help uncover yet more Clinton emails.

If you were an IC analyst, and each of these data points showed up on your radar, what would you think? You might question motivations– would Russia gain anything from tipping the scale in favor of Trump? Obviously, yes. Are the tactics, techniques, and procedures evident in these bits of information consistent with Russian methods? Again, very much yes. Does Russia have the capabilities– diplomatically, financially, technologically– to carry out such an intrusion? Easily, yes. To borrow the old rule-of-thumb for murder investigations, you now have means, motive, and opportunity, along with several pieces of circumstantial evidence. Mind you, there aren’t three separate instances of foreign interference among one candidate’s staff. That alone would be very eyebrow-raising. But they all connect to the same country? And that country is a regular, known adversary of the US? Of course this bears greater scrutiny and sending it up the chain of command! It would be malpractice to NOT look into it more!

But how does one do that? There are (gratefully) more restrictions on collecting information on American citizens. That’s where the Foreign Intelligence Surveillance Courts (FISC) and the applications thereto come in. If the FBI– one of those 17 members of the IC– wants to surveil someone within the US, they must make an appeal to this court to receive a warrant. Now, the critique of the FISC is that they rubber-stamp virtually every application. This is not a new phenomenon, given the dateline on the above-linked article. But that doesn’t mean there’s a “deep-state” fix in for the Trump campaign. The same people crying bloody murder because Carter Page’s FISA was approved on thin or circumstantial evidence never raised a finger in the decades-old history of the FISCs when they were approving near 100% of applications. Is it likely that law-enforcement relies on the secretive nature and possible patriotic zeal of the FISC to push the envelope on investigations that they’d need more evidence for before a conventional judge? Yes, I suspect. But that cuts both ways, and has long been the case.

So, put yourself at the ODNI. You’ve seen multiple intelligence reports more than hinting at coordination between a foreign power– and not one of the friendly ones– and a major presidential campaign. You’re reading the reports and, because this is a very serious issue, alerting your bosses, which include some of the household names the public is familiar with. Those clients, tasked with setting foreign policy and administering the government, see redacted names. The names are redacted, as mentioned earlier, because they are Americans, and so offered a thin veil of privacy unless and until someone needs to know the names. And, as happens virtually every day of the year, those clients do in fact say “can we unmask these names? It would help to know who exactly we’re talking about here”. These people all have TS/SCI security clearances. They all have a need to know. There is even a process and staff in place for conducting this exact ask, it’s not some bizarre violation of norms.

The end result? Some low-level staffer at the agency that created the report sees the unmasking request (on his pile of others like it), checks the actual report, makes sure all the names are cleared to see it, and with a few clicks of the mouse, unredacts the names. After that, and probably a legal review, they send the ‘exposed’ report back up to the requestor. Then they grab lunch at the cafeteria because it’s enchilada day, and sometimes they run out if you get there too late.

To be clear, what actually happened with the unmasking thing was most specifically related to the saga of Michael Flynn. But my point is that in the broader context of several Trump campaign staffers (of which Flynn also was one) being tied to Russian intelligence-gathering operations, it makes even more sense that you’d want to know who the unnamed American in question was, when the summary of the Russian ambassador’s call came across your desk.

Because Donald Trump is closer to a conspiracy-minded shit-poster than an actual President, he has not just raised this issue, but raised it repeatedly. He doesn’t even need to admit that his campaign was aided and infiltrated by Russia– though that would do wonders for our elections’ integrity. He just needs to not create a conspiracy theory out of whole cloth by alleging that the “unmasking” that happened in late 2016 and early 2017 was some bizarre, Luciferean, illegal plot against him. It was entirely routine work conducted by routine, professional analysts. But, he is a narcissist and would rather degrade our country’s democracy, norms, and intelligence community than admit that someone near him may have done something untoward. To that end, and to please his master, Attorney General Bill Barr undertook an investigation of the investigation– in essence, a review to make sure that the counterintelligence investigation conducted by the career staff overseen by the Obama Administration was conducted properly. It is, of course, entirely unnecessary, and simply a political bone thrown to satisfy his boss and keep the QAnon crowd chomping at the bit in the run-up to the 2020 election.

So the next time you hear a blathering, raving-mad person (I won’t call them an idiot, because if they don’t work in this kind of industry, they won’t understand the process) yelling about “unmasking” and calling it a “scandal”, you can tell them to rest assured, it’s not one! And if they don’t take your word for it, just ask the current Attorney General who, try as he might, couldn’t find a single thing wrong with the process to convict one of the supposed “evildoers” that preceded this lawless Administration.

Oh, is There an Election in 3 Weeks?

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Vote! By mail, in-person early, or on Election Day, November 3.

This blog had originally been intended to provide more (to say the least) “regular” updates than it has, but no time like the present!

The US Presidential election is three weeks from today because some hundreds of years ago, a bunch of farmers thought Tuesday was the most logical day to hold an election. As everyone well knows, Joe Biden is crushing Donald Trump in public polling by an even more sizable margin than Hillary Clinton was at this point in time. This year, however, the mechanics of voting seem to be far more consequential than persuasion or turnout operations. With truly unprecedented turnout expected in 2020, both by mail and on Election Day itself, the nuances of polls matter less than how capable (or, dare to say, ethical) county officials and secretaries of state will prove to be.

In a truly pathetic and undemocratic twist, President Donald Trump has adopted a new line of effort in his re-election campaign: campaigning against the election itself. This is a two-pronged approach, that consists of him using his platform to delegitimize the election before it even happens (which, of course, you would only do if you expect to lose big), and actively undermining the anticipated vote-by-mail surge through sudden US Postal Service “reforms”. In 2016 he was roundly chastised for not agreeing to accept the results of the election before it happened. Then, he was running as an (undeniably) outsider, charging that the election was already “rigged” against him, because he was not a traditional politician. Now, in 2020, he is reprising that same concept of a rigged election, with the odd twist that he is now the single most powerful administrator in the US government. Of course, he and his Administration have no interest in actual voter fraud, actual election interference, or actual campaign finance violations, choosing instead to chase ghosts and accuse their opponents of that of which they themselves are guilty.

Hot off his COVID-19 diagnosis, the President received a key endorsement from the Taliban and will be campaigning in the (now) battleground state of Georgia on Friday. Meanwhile, Joe Biden continues to cruise by being everything Donald Trump is not– boring, moderate, sane, and not endorsed by the Taliban, to name a few. Try as they might, the Trump campaign and all of what’s left of conservative thought leaders can’t seem to make anything stick to Biden. Remember the Tara Reade scandal? That fell apart pretty quickly upon further scrutiny, and, critically, was never echoed by another of the countless women in Biden’s life. Remember the claims of senility? They’re still tossing it out there in hopes it will stick, but a debate performance in which every poll showed Biden winning seems to have quashed that. Remember the “he won’t come out of his basement!” accusations? Well, guess who doesn’t have COVID-19 as a result?

America is clearly sick of this bizarre Donald Trump experiment. In some future (and angrier) blog post, I’ll delve into the gross, hateful nature of our country that led us to elect him in the first place. For now, and until or unless the polls change, I’m enjoying watching Trump squirm. He sees the walls closing in around him, realizes he’s incapable of doing what he needs to in order to win re-election, and is flailing, desperately. Unfortunately, that’s when any animal is most dangerous.

About this Blog

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The purpose of this blog is to serve as a cathartic release for my thoughts on the state of the world in 2019 and beyond. Specifically, I like to rant about electoral politics, US public policy, and national security issues. As a firmly inside-the-Beltway “DC insider”, it is only lately that I’ve come to realize that my opinions on current affairs, as trivial as they are, are just as legitimate as the current cognoscenti who actually have decision-making authority. Watching the world order slowly fall apart in front of me just as I start to kick the Impostor Syndrome I’ve held since moving here, I find the chasm between “what I think should be happening” and “what I can do about it” disturbingly wide.

So, this site will be my forum for putting my internal monologue rants into some sort of organized order, so as to sharpen my own arguments ahead of Thanksgiving family political brawls and improve my writing more generally. If anyone is reading this, I hope you enjoy!

For the time being, I’ve decided on the nomme de blogue “Please Clap Paul”, borne out of a reference to one of my favorite moments in politics to date, and out of a desire to maintain my anonymity for professional purposes. If you have any better suggestions for names, I’d love to hear them.

– Please Clap Paul